Caipira

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Caipira conhecido

Caipiras são trabalhadores rurais estereotipados como pouco sofisticados e retrógrados.

No Brasil[editar]

Romantismo[editar]

O romantismo surgiu como um movimento patriótico no século XIX.[1]

Lista de romancistas bucólicos[editar]

  • Joaquim Manuel de Macedo
  • Bernardo Joaquim da Silva Guimarães
  • José Martiniano de Alencar
  • Luís Gonzaga Pinto da Gama
  • Luís Nicolau Fagundes Varela
  • Antônio Frederico de Castro Alves
  • Sílvio Vasconcelos da Silveira Ramos Romero

Nos Estados Unidos[editar]

Um estereótipo datado de 2007.

Caipiras nos Estados Unidos, referidos na língua inglesa como rednecks (em português: "pescoço vermelho", denominados por fazerem trabalho manual por longas horas sem cobertura adequada, o que deixa o pescoço queimado igual em um chupão), boers/boors, country bumpkins, churls, hayseeds, hillbillies, joskins ou yokels são estereotipados como estúpidos, arrogantes e socialmente conservadores.

Atitudes sociais[editar]

Religião[editar]

O sul dos Estados Unidos é bastante religioso, dominado principalmente por protestantes, especificamente batistas e pentecostais.

Racismo[editar]

Os líderes "Rednecks for Obama" Tony Viessman e Les Spencer na Convenção Nacional Democrata de 2008 ouvindo Michelle Obama falar.

Embora este artigo dê a impressão de que todos os protestantes do sul são racistas, historicamente havia uma facção liberal de protestantes a favor dos direitos civis no sul também.[2][3] No entanto, o racismo é predominante no sul.

NASCAR[editar]

O carro de Ricky Bobby, como descrito em Talladega Nights: The Ballad of Ricky Bobby

O automobilismo é popular, descrito como uma forma de entretenimento comum ao sul. O filme de comédia de 2006 Talladega Nights: The Ballad of Ricky Bobby, dirigido por Adam McKay e escrito por Will Ferrell e McKay, é um exemplo de paródia da NASCAR na cultura do sul.[4] Outro exemplo é o episódio Poor and Stupid de South Park, em que o Eric Cartman sonha em ser um motorista da NASCAR, mas teme não se pobre e estúpido o suficiente para alcançar seu sonho.[5]

Hunting[editar]

A flora do sul não é tão verde assim.

Javalis e viados veados são a caça mais comum caçada no sul.

"Redneck Engineering"[editar]

Assim como é feito no meme E se usássemos 100% do cérebro?, redneck engineering usa soluções não ortodoxas, idiossincráticas, indiretas ou tecnicamente corretas mas impraticáveis ​​para problemas triviais. Ao contrário desse meme, a redneck engineering é claramente de classe baixa e envolve algum tipo de carro, banheiro, eletrodomésticos ou móveis de jardim.

Moda[editar]

O caipira estereotipado usa roupas adequadas para o trabalho manual. Ou seja, essas roupas são uma combinação de camisas xadrez, jeans e um chapéu John Deere.

Drogas recreativas[editar]

Os campónios são distintos entre os americanos brancos da classe trabalhadora no uso recreativo de drogas. Como os caipiras são rurais, os caipiras geralmente abusam de drogas que podem ser cultivadas, destiladas ou fabricadas naturalmente em casa.

Rapé[editar]

O rapé é usado sobre cigarros porque o rapé pode ser expectorado como escarro e não incomoda outras pessoas quando inalado ou absorvido.

Moonshine[editar]

A Secretaria da Receita Federal da década de 1930 inspeciona o conteúdo de um moonshine recentemente confiscado.

Vindo de Appalachia, o luar é licor destilado do milho, geralmente porque a venda de álcool é fortemente tributada. Como o luar, por definição, não é regulamentado, antes que o açúcar de milho fosse produzido e disponibilizado na década de 1920, milhares de americanos foram envenenados por beber luar.[6]

Ver também[editar]

Salsa

  1. Candido, Antonio. O Romantismo No Brasil. Associação Editorial Humanitas, 2004.
  2. Williams, Daniel K. God's Own Party: the Making of the Christian Right. Oxford University Press, 2010. p74-75 Southern fundamentalists’ support of Goldwater placed them squarely at odds with liberal Protestant ministers. Many mainline Protestant leaders who had not previously been politically outspoken mobilized on behalf of the civil rights movement in the early 1960s, and developed a new interest in politics as a result. Goldwater represented everything that they opposed. He had voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and he was opposed to social welfare programs and arms limitation treaties. To many liberal clergy, a vote for Goldwater was un-Christian and immoral. “Goldwater has set himself against the overwhelming consensus of Christian social doctrines enunciated by the churches,” a publication of the Council for Christian Social Action of the United Church of Christ declared in September 1964. “Christians when they vote should know that.” The minister at the liberal Riverside Church in New York preached against Goldwater’s failure to take the correct stand on civil rights, “one of the biggest moral issues before the nation.” For the first time in its twenty-five years of publication, Christianity and Crisis issued a presidential endorsement, supporting Johnson. One of the nation’s leading theologians, Reinhold Niebuhr, joined several of his colleagues in explaining that such an action was appropriate because “a vote for Mr. Goldwater is a vote for irresponsibility, recklessness, and reaction.” The liberal clergy’s opposition to Goldwater prompted a backlash among conservative Protestants, who objected to being called un-Christian. The anti-Goldwater denominational leaders, they claimed, were “so far out of touch with the thinking of both clergy and laity as to constitute an unrepresentative minority,” and they had no right to claim that the collective Christian church—or even their own denominations—opposed Goldwater. Christianity Today accused liberal ministers who issued political endorsements of transgressing the boundary separating church and state. “Despite their tax-exempt status that is based on non-participation in politics and non-sponsorship of legislation, some religious publications editorially promoted the defeat of one candidate and the election of another,” the magazine’s editors complained. Liberal ministers had abandoned the kingdom of God for “a kingdom at whose entrance stood a polling booth.” Conservative Protestants who had once loudly denounced Kennedy from their pulpits became upset when liberal clerics did the same to Goldwater.
  3. Williams, Daniel K. God's Own Party: the Making of the Christian Right. Oxford University Press, 2010. p76 Fundamentalists did not receive much support from evangelicals in their campaign for Goldwater. Most of the nation’s evangelical leaders supported President Johnson’s civil rights measures, so they had little reason to oppose his bid for reelection. The Southern Baptist Convention endorsed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as did some evangelical preachers in the North. Christianity Today’s editorials from the summer of 1964 indicated the editors’ frustration with southern fundamentalists who were determined to oppose civil rights. It was time, the magazine said, for Christians to give up their attraction to “strange, reactionary political ideas and groups that embarrass Christ’s Church.” Billy Graham avoided taking a specific stance on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 while it was being debated in Congress, but after it passed, he gave the cause of civil rights a general endorsement. “I think that many of the peaceful [civil rights] demonstrations have aroused the conscience of the nation,” Graham said in 1965. “Demonstrations have brought about new, strong, tough laws that were needed many years ago.” Unbeknownst to much of the public, Graham’s once friendly relationship with Martin Luther King, Jr., had cooled in the early 1960s. Graham had been unwilling to support civil disobedience, and some black civil rights activists had begun to view him as a traitor to their cause. But Graham’s cautious public endorsement of racial integration made him more useful than ever to racially progressive and centrist politicians who needed his influence to win over conservative southern whites and evangelicals.
  4. Lassiter, Matthew D., and Joseph Crespino. The Myth of Southern Exceptionalism. Oxford University Press, 2010. p155 The choice of Cohen to play an effete, gay French stockcar driver in Talladega Nights: The Ballad of Ricky Bobby (2006) was, in this sense, culturally astute, for the character’s villainy is a product of the intense antipathy of the film’s working-class hero, Ricky Bobby (played by Will Ferrell), and his family to anything suggestive of education or “taste.” Talladega Nights was clearly intended as a parody of post-9/11 “Americanness,” with Will Ferrell barely disguising his character’s resemblance to George W. Bush (whom Ferrell skewered in comic skits throughout Bush’s presidency). After the election of 2004, NASCAR itself became media code for “red state, Republican, Christian America,” and the southerness of the film’s major characters is secondary to their “Americanness” (red, white, and blue overwhelm the set design). Not surprisingly, Cohen, in character as driving ace Jean Girard, was roundly booed at the Talladega Superspeedway during the production—the second time that he had been booed by a crowd in Alabama. Ricky Bobby’s giving an arrogant Frenchman a long victory kiss in front of thousands of NASCAR fans could not be mistaken for anything other than mockery of George Bush’s (and red America’s) blustering, empty machismo.
  5. Parte do episódio no site oficial de South Park
  6. Gately, Iain. Drink: a Cultural History of Alcohol. Gotham Books, 2009. p659 Moonshine could be rough stuff. Quality was sacrificed to quantity once the Volstead Act came into force. Distillers could not take the risk of aging their product to improve its flavor, so they added dead rats and rotten meat to it to achieve the same effect. The average glass of moonshine was on a par with gin-craze gin, and its pet names—Panther and Goat whiskey, Jackass brandy, Yack Yack bourbon—all suggesting a coarse strength, were similar in spirit to those that had emerged in eighteenth-century England. Moonshine and imperfectly renatured industrial alcohol poisoned thousands of Americans. Their deaths were given lurid coverage by the press, but instead, as the drys had hoped, of evoking disgust among readers, they attracted sympathy: It was wrong that people should have to risk their lives for a drink. Fortunately, the quality of moonshine improved with the increased availability of corn sugar, the production of which (a rare example of Prohibition benefiting the white economy) expanded sixfold between 1921 and 1929.